The exhibition is dedicated to the work and role of Elisabeth Krämer-Bannow (1874–1945) in the context of the so-called Hamburg South Sea Expedition of 1908–1910. After her husband, the naval doctor, ethnologist, and founder of the Ethnological Collection at the University of Tübingen, Augustin Krämer (1865–1941), took over the leadership of the expedition, Krämer-Bannow was appointed as a salaried member of the scientific team, responsible for painting, photography, and weaving.
As the only female member of the team, she traveled to Palau (a Pacific island nation), among other places. There she primarily took on the photographic and artistic documentation. Her biological gender opened access to spheres of life that were closed off to the male "researchers"—particularly the world of women. Her watercolors and reports provide insights into the everyday life and culture of Palauan women, addressing topics often neglected in ethnological research of that time.
The exhibition is the result of three interdisciplinary practical seminars by students from the fields of ethnology, art history, and the Master's program "Museum and Collections." Together, they analyzed Elisabeth Krämer-Bannow as a person, her significance for the "expedition," as well as her watercolors, photographs, and "collected" objects. A special focus was placed on her access to the world of women and her documentation of everyday life.
The works of Elisabeth Krämer-Bannow and the estate of the Krämer couple are not only valuable for an artistic as well as a documenting perspective, but also raise critical questions: What perspectives and power relations shaped ethnological "research" at the time? How did colonial structures influence the representation and collection of objects, images, and photographs? The online exhibition invites reflection on these questions and encourages a differentiated and decolonial view of the historical role of science and art in colonial contexts.
The contribution of Elisabeth and Augustin Krämer to the Ethnological Collection at the University of Tübingen remains significant to this day—an inheritance that encourages a critical and decolonial engagement with colonial scientific practices.
This student project, presented from a European perspective, is an attempt to showcase Elisabeth Krämer-Bannow and her work for the first time in an online exhibition. Due to time constraints, a collaboration with Palau has not been possible so far, but it would be highly desirable in the future. The online exhibition is designed to remain open to further contributions and encourages visitors to share comments and constructive criticism.
The Republic of Palau is an island nation in the Pacific Ocean, about 880 km east of the Philippines. The 356 islands cover a total area of 416 km², with only eight of them being inhabited. Palau has a population of approximately 17,600 (as of 2020), and the official languages are Palauan and English.
Palau was formally claimed by Spanish colonial rulers in 1885 and was part of the "Spanish East Indies" until 1898. After being defeated in the Spanish-American War, Spain lost access to its Asian colonies. As a result, Palau, along with many much of the surrounding Caroline Islands, was sold to the German Empire and annexed to German New Guinea.
At the beginning of World War I, the German Empire lost control over most of its colonies. Japan took over the administration of the Palau island group. Under Japanese occupation, Palau served as a military base during World War II and even endured a battle between Japan and the USA. After World War II, Palau was under US control for almost 40 years until it officially became independent on October 1, 1994.
Formerly known as "Völkerkunde" (German for: People Studies) (Ethnography), ethnology is now officially referred to as "Social and Cultural Anthropology." It deals with questions of "foreignness" through reflection and field research, while exploring cultural and societal topics. Ethnology covers areas such as politics, religion, kinship, environment, or medicine. During Elisabeth Krämer-Bannow's time, the focus was often on smaller societies outside of Europe.
A central characteristic of ethnology is the method of participant observation and personal conversations. Ethnologists often live with the communities they "study” for extended periods of time. This results in ethnographic studies, such as those Krämer wrote about various Pacific Island populations. These studies document cultural practices, social hierarchies, symbolism, and interactions of the "studied" groups. Even back then, ethnologists worked closely with local informants and translators. With the institutionalization of ethnology at German universities during Krämer’s time, the discipline was closely tied to colonial policies. Many studies took place in European colonies, and ethnologists often collaborated with the local colonial regimes. Today, ethnology is increasingly focused on collaborative approaches, where researchers from the societies of origin are actively involved. Decolonial perspectives aim to replace the exoticizing or demeaning representations of earlier times and promote respectful, partnership-based research.
Germany has only recently become the subject of discussions about its past as a colonial power. However, the German Empire controlled almost 2,000 km² of non-European territory starting in 1884. The majority of colonized territory was in Africa, but Germany also controlled territories in China and the Pacific. The smaller "South Sea colony" was particularly significant due to trade in copra, gold, and phosphorus. Like in other colonial regions, violence, exploitation, and interventions in the lives of the indigenous population occurred in the Pacific colonies. With the Treaty of Versailles at the end of World War I, Germany lost control over its colonies. The Pacific territories were primarily taken over by Britain, Australia, and Japan. Shortly after 1919, demands for the return of the colonies arose in Germany. These efforts were strongly supported during the National Socialist period until the 1950s and 1960s, when most of the world’s colonial territories gained independence.
Decolonization refers to the process through which colonies gain political, economic, and cultural independence from colonial powers. It primarily took place in the 20th century, especially after World War II, when many African and Asian states fought for their independence. In addition to formal independence, decolonization also involves addressing colonial violence, the return of cultural goods, and a critical engagement with colonial mentalities. However, in many former colonies, economic dependencies and structural inequalities persist. As a result, decolonization is often understood today as an ongoing process that also affects education, culture, and social policy.
The terms postcolonialism and decolonization are now ubiquitous, whether in the media or in public debates. They are discussed by both conservative and open-mindedliberal political movements, bringing forward controversy.
In the humanities, these terms refer to different debates about colonialism. Postcolonialism emerged in the 1980s within the framework of Postcolonial Studies, which originated in literary studies. This approach critically questions the perception of the West and the Global South as opposing societal forms, shaped by generalizing and often stereotypical descriptions. It examines the projections of the "Orient" created by universities in the Global North. At the same time, proponents of this school of thought emphasize the global interconnectedness of societies. Some of the most prominent voices in this area include Edward Said and Homi Bhabha.
Currently, the concept of decolonization is increasingly becoming the focal point of scientific discussions. Although the term was coined in the 1990s, it is receiving particular attention today. Central topics include the oppression of minorities and countries in the Global South through racism, the construction of "whiteness," and the role of science as an instrument of power.
Scholars analyze how mechanisms of exploitation and oppression, which have their roots in colonialism, continue to impact the present. Key voices in this discourse include Faye Harrison and Arturo Escobar.
Both approaches offer new perspectives on colonialism and encourage the development of concepts that critically examine one's own thinking thoughts and existing power structures.
In 1909, Elisabeth Krämer-Bannow traveled to Palau as the only female member of the Hamburg South Sea Expedition to Palau. There, her task was the the photographic and artistic documentation. Her access to the women of the Palauan population, which was often denied to male researchers, allowed her to capture their daily lives and culture from a unique perspective. Her watercolors and drawings not only document details of daily life but also provide a vivid impression of the colors and moods that could not be represented by the black-and-white photography of the time. Especially striking are her depictions of the traditional Bai houses, which color schemes she precisely reproduced precisely.
Krämer-Bannow’s works were more than mere documentation – they reflect a profound artistic understanding and offer a rare perspective on the role and life of women. At the same time, they raise questions about the colonial gaze and the often imbalanced power dynamics under which such "research" took place. Thus, her watercolors give an opportunity for critical reflection on the history of ethnographic documentation.
Language is a constantly evolving process. What was once considered neutral can now seem problematic – even in museums. Terms such as "expedition" or "research journey" are examples that, upon closer inspection, fall into this context. For centuries, so-called "expeditions" were conducted, often even with state support. These scientific ventures aimed to "explore" regions that were unknown from a European perspective. However, the knowledge gathered during these expeditions was frequently used by colonial powers, leading to unlawful land seizures, the oppression of local populations, and the plundering of cultural goods. Many of these objects are now in European museums, telling a story that must be critically examined. This reflection is an important step in making the power of language and its historical significance visible.
At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, new photographic techniques emerged. Faster photography became possible, and staged motifs could be replaced by more organic ones. Challenges such as long exposure times and sensitive chemicals were overcome. This opened up new possibilities for documenting colonial "expeditions”.
In ethnology, photography was used to document material cultures and traditional clothing before the perceived loss or profound changes brought about by colonialism. Ethnologists aimed to capture cultural concepts, leading to intense research and numerous publications. Ethnologists on "expeditions" developed two photographic approaches – ethnological and physiognomic photography. Physiognomic images were used to measure and compare people, employing standardized devices. These dehumanizing pictures were used for the scientific classification of individuals from their respective societies. In contrast, ethnographic images lacked strict scientific guidelines, with a stronger focus on romanticized depictions of natural states. In the researchers' home countries, such images sparked enthusiasm for the "exotic." Despite advances in photographic techniques, paintings continued to play a crucial role, especially in visualizing technical constructions and complex patterns.
Elisabeth Krämer-Bannow, who was originally responsible for drawings, also participated in photography during the "Hamburg South Sea Expedition." Her diary entries from September 1909 mention her assistance in choosing motifs, grouping people, and developing glass plate negatives. Her photographs idealized natural states and avoided depicting the destruction caused by colonialism and missionary activities.
Colonial "Collecting" by the Krämers in Palau
The objects that the Krämer couple brought to Germany from Palau tell two stories – that of the originating society, but also the colonial history.
As representatives of the former colonial power Germany, the Krämers would likely be considered unethical collectors by today’s standards, as their position of colonial power and, in Augustin’s case, his role as a doctor helped him acquire the objects. During the Krämer couples time, there was a pronounced colonial collecting culture, which was also present in other European colonies. The strong motivation of Augustin Krämer to take objects back to Germany thus fits the scientific spirit of the time. The word "collecting" is put in quotation marks in the title because it was meant to elevate and legitimize the accumulation of objects as “scientific.”
However, the agency of the Palauan people is also evident through the ethnographic objects. They, for example, did not sell everything that Augustin Krämer wanted. The tolúk bowls in the Ethnological Collection at the University of Tübingen were much less valuable variants. The Palauan people were not willing to sell the more precious bowls. The objects found in the Universities collection were mostly everyday objects in their society.
For example, the fiber skirts were commonly used items in Palau. But precisely because many of the objects on display were actually used, they carry significant meaning. Some of the items in the Tübingen collection are no longer produced in Palau today, so they are of great importance as witnesses of the past.
The displayed objects were mostly either "collected" by Elisabeth Krämer-Bannow or held special significance for women in Palau. This online exhibition shows only a few of the more than 150 Palauan objects kept in Tübingen.
Provenance research basically addresses the context in which an object was created and subsequently transferred over time. The term originates from the Latin "provenire," meaning "to come forth" or "to originate." Its primary aim is to trace the biography of an object, beginning with its creation and culminating in its inclusion in a collection. This involves reconstructing the history of the object’s perception, including its significance for collectors, scholars, or other stakeholders. Such investigations shed light on the perspectives of those involved with the object and reveal the value attributed to it in various contexts.
Beyond merely reconstructing an object’s biography, provenance research pursues a second, far more critical objective: the identification of unlawfully appropriated objects. This includes, among other cases, looted or plundered art as well as ancestral human remains taken without the explicit consent of their source communities. It also encompasses objects relinquished under coercion or without adequate compensation by their original owners. Furthermore, research data such as audio recordings, photographs, or film footage can also fall within the scope of these inquiries.
In recent years, the scope of provenance research has expanded to address injustices beyond the National Socialist era and colonial contexts. These investigations increasingly consider historical wrongs dating back to the beginnings of European expansion in the late 15th century.
Restitution refers to the return of unlawfully seized or expropriated cultural belongings, properties, or rights to their original owners or their heirs. In recent decades, the term has gained particular prominence in the context of colonial appropriations and the Holocaust, but it also represents legal and moral principles that transcend specific historical circumstances.
From a legal perspective, restitution describes the attempt to restore an original legal state. This practice is founded on the premise that the return of property can achieve a measure of justice and reparation. However, the meaning of the term extends far beyond legal considerations: it also encompasses moral, cultural, and political dimensions. Restitution raises questions about memory, responsibility, and the power of historical narratives. It challenges societies to confront their histories and acknowledge the consequences of past injustices.
A critical debate surrounds whether restitution alone is sufficient to address profound wrongs or whether it must be part of a broader process of reparation. Opponents argue that returns may sometimes carry merely symbolic significance, while proponents emphasize that they constitute an essential step toward healing historical wounds. Restitution, therefore, remains a multifaceted concept, intertwining legal and ethical discourses.
At the beginning of the 20th century, intricately decorated men's houses (bai) were found in nearly every village on the inhabited islands of Palau. A total of 153 bais were documented by Elisabeth and Augustin Krämer. Today, only five remain, one of which is a reconstruction. The Bai picture stories, also referred to as loguki, were carvings and paintings on said bai. These houses were either inhabited by a group of unmarried men or used as a gathering space for the highest ranking men to make decisions. These two functions were distinct from each other, so no young men lived in the chiefs' bai. Alongside the bachelors, women temporarily resided in the clubhouses.
The bai were not only decorated on the outside but also on the beams inside. The original decorations were photographed and sketched by Elisabeth Krämer-Bannow. She used clay paper to make imprints of the carvings. These molds were then cast in plaster, coated with lime, and painted by Krämer- Bannow using red ochre and soot. Those are the same pigments used in Palau at the time, so the casts resemble the originals closely.
Today, only a few bais remain in Palau—they are no longer utilized the same way as before, with the exception of functioning as the chief’s meeting place. Most of the houses the Krämers made the casts of no longer stand. Krämer-Bannow produced not only the plaster casts but also numerous drawings and photographs of the bai stories, preserving this art for posterity. Her ethnological engagement and artistic skills are clearly evident in the plaster casts. In 1933, the Krämers' private collection was donated to the University of Tübingen.
Young women participated in bai life and often had sexual relationships with club members. At the end of their stay, they were given money and gained respect. Additionally, the mengol strengthened social and political ties between villages.
These bracelets were worn exclusively by high-ranking women. They were crafted from tortoiseshell using a complicated process.
Valuable Palauan currency worn as a necklace. It plays an important role in maintaining and building social relationships.
Sources
Quote 1: Krämer, Augustin (2017). Results of the South Sea Expedition 1908–1910 Palau, Volume I. Translation: Dr. Markus E. Locker, Krämer Ethnography Translation Committee. Belau National Museum/Etipson Museum.
Quote 2: Krämer-Bannow, Elisabeth: Bei kunstsinnigen Kannibalen der Südsee. Wanderungen auf Neu-Mecklenburg 1908-1909, Berlin 1916, S. 34f.
Quote 3: Pytlik, Anna: Träume im Tropenlicht. Forscherinnen auf Reisen. Elisabeth Krämer-Bannow in Ozeanien 1906-1910, Marie Pauline Thorbecke in Kamerun 1911-1913, Reutlingen 1997, S. 65, Original-Tagebucheintrag: Unveröffentlichtes Tagebuch der Hamburger Südsee-Expedition 3.8.1909-13.4.1910, Hamburgisches Museum für Völkerkunde: 22.1.1910.
Quote 4: Krämer-Bannow, Elisabeth: Heimatschutz in die deutschen Kolonien. 117. Flugschrift zur Ausdruckskultur, 1913, S. 1f.
Quote 5: Krämer, Augustin (2017). Results of the South Sea Expedition 1908–1910 Palau, Volume V. Translation: Dr. Dirk HR Spennemann. Belau National Museum/Etipson Museum.
Attachement: Origins of various Objects and Photographies